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Turkish president again threatens to ‘clear’ areas in northeast Syria

“Our decision to establish a 30-kilometre-deep secure line along our southern border is permanent.” 
 Kurdistan 24   2022/08/08 18:37 

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan (Photo: Turkish Presidency)

ERBIL (Kurdistan 24) – The Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan on Monday at the 13th Ambassadors Conference in Ankara again threatened to clear northeast Syria from Kurdish-led forces amid an increase in drone attacks and shelling in northeast Syria.

 
“We will continue our fight against terrorism. Our decision to establish a 30-kilometre-deep secure line along our southern border is permanent,” he said.
“I hope we will join the parts of this security zone together soon by clearing the last areas where the terrorist organization is nesting in Syria.”
Turkey since May said they were preparing for a new military operation to secure its southern border with Syria.
Until now, Russia, Iran, and the United States have opposed a new Turkish operation.
US officials have repeatedly stated a new Turkish operation could damage the fight against ISIS.
In the meanwhile Turkish drone strikes in northeast Syria have continued to target fighters of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and have also killed and injured civilians.
President Recep Tayyip Erdogan addressed the 13th Ambassadors’ Conference held at Cankaya Presidential Palace (Photo: Turkish Presidency)
Ibrahim Hamidi writing for Asharq Al-Awsat on Sunday wrote that while Russia has opposed a new operation, it has permitted Turkey to expand drone strikes in northern Syria.
Moreover, he wrote that Russia is pushing for cooperation between the Syrian government and Turkey.
Turkish officials recently have indicated that they have contact with Damascus.
The Turkish President Erdogan told reporters after meeting with Russian president Vladimir Putin in Sochi on August 5 that the Russian president Putin told Erdogan to work with the ‘resolve these issues along with the regime.”
“In response, we say that our intelligence agency is now investigating these issues with the Syrian intelligence service, but the goal is to achieve results,” Erdogan said according the website of the Turkish presidency.
“We say, ‘If our intelligence is collaborating with the Syrian intelligence on this effort, and if terrorist organisations continue to freely operate there with wild abandon, you must support us in tackling this issue.’ We also have an agreement on this matter,” Erdogan concluded.
Moreover, also in late July, Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu in said he was willing to support the Syrian government against the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), the New Arab reported.
In the meanwhile, the SDF has blamed Russia and the United States for not stopping Turkish drone strikes.
Read More: SDF holds US and Russia responsible for increased Turkish drone strikes
On Aug. 6, four people, including two children, were killed in a Turkish drone strike.
“This brutal Turkish aggression and other aggressions against our areas wouldn’t have happened without the condoning of the two guarantors of the Ceasefire Agreement,” the SDF said in a statement on August 7.
“US and Russia are primarily responsible for these Turkish aggressions, for they have the power to curb the crimes of the Turkish occupying state against our people.”
“In addition, the international community should put pressure on the Turkish occupying State, putting an end to its violations and crimes, and forcing it to withdraw from the Syrian territory.”

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Gaza: What’s Palestinian Islamic Jihad, the Group That Signed Truce With Israel?

It was established more than 40 years ago by two Palestinian activists originally part of the Muslim Brotherhood.

SAPTARSHI BASAK
Published: 08 Aug 2022, 4:03 PM IST – Thequint.com – click here for the story  

In clashes reminiscent of the 11-day war in Gaza last year, Israel and Palestinian militants once again engaged in a series of airstrikes and rocket attacks over the weekend. This time around, however, Hamas, the militant group that governs the region, was not in involved in the conflict at all.

ceasefire agreement between Israel and the militant group known as the the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), took effect on 7 August, in a bid to end three days of violence between the two sides leading to the killing of dozens of Palestinians. Hamas has refused to get involved in this current conflict.

 

This was the worst fighting in Gaza since the 2021 violence, which saw Hamas and Israel fire hundreds of rockets at each, killing hundreds, mostly Palestinians.

The US has welcomed the ceasefire, and President Joe Biden has expressed regret over “reports of civilian casualties in Gaza,” calling them “a tragedy, whether by Israeli strikes against Islamic Jihad positions or the dozens of Islamic Jihad rockets that reportedly fell inside Gaza.”
Ziad al-Nakhalah, the leader of the PIJ, promised retaliation against Israel. “The Zionist enemy started this aggression and it must expect us to fight non-stop … There will be no truce after this bombing. There are no red lines in this battle … Tel Aviv will also be one of the targets of the resistance’s missiles … as will all Zionist cities,” he was quoted as saying by Al Jazeera.
But how much do we know about the 1981-established PIJ, officially known as the Islamic Jihad Movement in Palestine?

Origins and Objectives of Palestinian Islamic Jihad

The organisation was established more than 40 years ago by two Palestinian activists who were originally part of the Sunni Islamist Muslim Brotherhood (founded in Egypt) – Abd Al Aziz Awda and Fathi Shaqaqi (who was assassinated in 1995 by Mossag agents).
It wants to establish a sovereign and Islamic state of Palestine, with the borders before 1948, the year in which Israel was created. Its stated objectives include the destruction Israel.
The PIJ has been behind multiple suicide bombings in Israel, the first of which was the 1989 Tel Aviv–Jerusalem bus 405 suicide attack, which killed 16 civilians.
Other attacks include a 2001 suicide bombing at a Tel Aviv nightclub that killed 21 people, and a 2002 suicide attack at the Meggido Junction, an intersection of highways in Israel, in which 18 people died.
Like Hamas, the PIJ has been listed as a “terrorist organisation” by the West. Iran plays a key role in supporting the PIJ with funds and weapons. The leader of the militant group, Ziad al-Nakhalah, met Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi and other Iranian officials on the day the attacks started.

Unlike Hamas, which is arguably limited in its ability to act without restraint against Israel because it is responsible for governing Gaza, the PIJ focuses purely on militancy, sometimes even undermining the political authority of Hamas. It has no interest in elections or governance.

“Though it is a small group, Islamic Jihad is very efficient and highly organised. There is a strong order within the party itself. Despite its small size, it has participated in all the confrontations with Israel,” Ibrahim Fraihat from the Doha Institute told Al Jazeera.

Areas of Operation

Although its base is in Gaza, the PIJ is also active in the West Bank, especially in the town of Jenin, where Bassam al-Saadi, a senior leader of the PIJ was arrested last week. The arrest reportedly catalysed the current crisis.
“In the West Bank it has a presence, I’d say similar to Gaza. But it is not about the size it is about power, efficiency, and the ability to engage militarily in a confrontation with Israel. And for that reason, Israel is trying arrest its leaders in the West Bank and to contain any action that Islamic Jihad might escalate,” Fraihat explained to Al Jazeera about the militant group’s presence.
The militant group also has its branches in Lebanon and Syria, from where it ensures close ties with Iran. In fact, it was expelled from Gaza in 1987 after which it shifted its base to Lebanon to develop a relationship with Hezbollah. The group also received training from the Iranian Revolutionary Guards.
Currently, the PIJ operated secretly with less than 1,000 members, according to the CIA’S World Factbook. Its popularity in Gaza is also limited, which means it does not have much to lose by carrying out attacks in Israel.
(With inputs from Reuters, AP, and Al Jazeera.)

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South Korea’s Ambassador, Egypt’s Speaker of Senate discuss ways to boost bilateral relations

  – www.dailynewsegypt.comon   Email

 

Hong Jin-Wook — Korea’s Ambassador in Cairo paid a courtesy visit to Speaker of the Egyptian Senate Abdel Wahab Abdel Razek to discuss bilateral relations between South Korea and Egypt as well as parliamentary cooperation on Sunday.
Hong affirmed that bilateral relations between the two countries are expanding and deepening in various areas after the visits of South Korea’s National Assembly Speaker in October 2021 and the Korean President in January of this year.
He stressed that people-to-people exchange, such as tourism, cultural, and academic exchanges are of the utmost importance for the sustainable relations between Korea and Egypt.
In this regard, Ambassador Hong expressed his hope for Abdel-Razek — as the speaker of the Senate — to play a vital role in developing the bilateral relations between the two countries.
For his part, Abdel-Razek welcomed Hong’s visit to the Senate and praised the advanced level of Korean-Egyptian relations, expressing his hope to further deepen the existing mutual relations, including parliamentary cooperation between the two countries. 
Furthermore, Hong called on Egypt’s Parliament to support Korean companies operating in Egypt, with Abdel Razek asserting that Korean companies in Egypt are already successful and expanding their presence in the country, expressing his hope that more Korean companies will be encouraged to set up shop in Egypt.

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‘A Slow Death’: Egypt’s Political Prisoners Recount Horrific Conditions

Many are held in filthy cells, subjected to routine torture and denied lifesaving medications,
according to former inmates, their families and lawyers, and rights groups. Some never leave.

Nosayba Mahmoud’s parents, Ahmed Abdelnabi and Raia Hassan, were detained by Egyptian authorities in 2018. Her father faced neglect and ill-treatment.Credit…Cooper Neill for The New York Times

New York Times – By Vivian Yee

Aug. 8, 2022

CAIRO — Every time he appeared before Egyptian prosecutors during his 21 months in detention, Ahmed Abdelnabi, a 61-year-old print shop owner from Alexandria, had a more disturbing story to tell.
For the first three weeks, he had been locked in a narrow, filthy cell with no light, he told his lawyer and his family, leaving only for interrogations during which he was tortured with electric shocks, beaten and threatened with the rape of his wife.
Denied medication for his diabetes, heart conditions, high cholesterol and high blood pressure despite repeated requests, he kept fainting. For the first 40 days, he and his cellmate got no food, surviving on scraps of bread the prisoner next door passed through a hole.

“He’d say, ‘I’m dying a slow death,’” said Mr. Abdelnabi’s lawyer, Shorok Sallam. “‘I’m going to die. I might not make it to next time. I’m being tortured. I’m being denied medication. I’m being denied food.’ These are things he said a million times.”

REVOLVING-DOOR DETENTIONS
Tracking the system that lets Egypt hold thousands of political prisoners without trial.

Arrested in a yearslong campaign to extinguish opposition to the government, Mr. Abdelnabi was one of thousands of political prisoners held without trial for weeks, months or years for offenses as minor as liking an antigovernment Facebook post.
Many detainees are locked for long stretches in cells that lack bedding, windows or toilets and are denied warm clothes in winter, fresh air in summer and medical treatment, no matter how sick, according to former detainees, their families and lawyers, and rights groups. Torture is commonplace, they say. Visits are routinely prohibited. And some never leave.

 

 
Such conditions are widespread, according to former inmates, lawyers and rights groups. Several former detainees and their families said their experiences were not as severe, but they, as well as rights groups and lawyers, said they were the exceptions.

More than a thousand people have died in Egyptian custody since the authoritarian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi came to power in a 2013 military takeover, owing to treatment that rights groups say amounts to deadly negligence.
It is all part of a justice system that has helped Mr. el-Sisi cow dissent, deterring those who might be tempted by opposition politics. Rights groups estimate Egypt now holds some 60,000 political prisoners. That amounts to about half of the total jail population, which a government official put at about 120,000 in October.
Some have been tried and sentenced. But Mr. el-Sisi’s government has stuffed the jails with critics chiefly through a system of pretrial detentions that imprisons people indefinitely without trial.
No public records exist of the number of prisoners stuck in the pretrial detention system. But an analysis by The New York Times found that at least 4,500 were detained without trial in one six-month period — many in abject, occasionally life-threatening, conditions.
The prisons cannot keep up.
Egypt has built 60 detention centers over the last 11 years, almost all of them under Mr. el-Sisi, according to Egyptian reports and the Cairo-based Arabic Network for Human Rights Information, which shuttered this year after relentless government harassment. As of 2021, the country had 78 prisons, the group said.
This spring, Egypt’s best-known prisoner of conscience, the British-Egyptian political activist and intellectual Alaa Abd El Fattahwent on a hunger strike in a small cell without a bed or mattress. For months, his family said, he had been denied books, newspapers, a radio, hot water and exercise in the prison yard, though the authorities have softened some restrictions amid international pressure for his release.

The political activist Alaa Abd El Fattah, at his home in Cairo in 2019, is Egypt’s best-known prisoner of conscience.Credit…Khaled Desouki/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

For a time, Mr. Abd El Fattah shared a prison complex with a former presidential candidate, 71-year-old Abdel Moneim Aboul Fotouh, who suffers from conditions the United Nations has called life-threatening, including angina, prostate disease and kidney stones. He has received almost no medical attention apart from basic tests, the U.N. said.
But the authorities do not reserve such treatment only for prominent prisoners.
His Crime? Protesting
Ahmed Abdelnabi and his wife, Raia Hassan, boarded a flight from Cairo to Istanbul in December 2018. Their daughter, Nosayba Mahmoud, said they were planning to stop in Turkey on their way to visit her in Dallas.
But in Istanbul, they never got off the plane.
Three frantic weeks later, the family heard that a defense lawyer had spotted the couple at an Egyptian prosecutor’s office. Security officers had arrested them before takeoff.
When Ms. Sallam, Mr. Abdelnabi’s lawyer, got to see him, she reported that he had trouble moving the left side of his body, which was covered in red, raised burns from repeated electric shocks, and that he could barely see.
“Just the idea that they weren’t taking their medications, they were under this tremendous psychological pressure, that they weren’t eating, not taking a shower, not changing their clothes, let alone that you don’t know where they are and what’s happening to them — it’s traumatic,” said Ms. Mahmoud, 37. “You don’t know if your loved ones are going to make it out or going to be killed.”
Requests for comment sent to the Egyptian state prosecutor, prison officials and the presidency through a government spokesman received no response. But officials have said some politically motivated arrests were necessary to restore stability after the turbulence of the 2011 Arab Spring revolution.

Mr. Abdelnabi had been imprisoned under Egypt’s previous authoritarian leader after printing fliers for protesters. This time, his family and lawyer said, prosecutors seemed interested in why he had joined Islamist-led protests against the 2013 military takeover.

Egyptian women, surrounded by posters of former President Mohammed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood, demonstrated in Cairo at a rally supporting him after he was ousted in 2013.Credit…Tara Todras-Whitehill for The New York Times

The protests at Cairo’s Rabaa Square were among the most contentious in recent history. Demonstrators called for the restoration of President Mohamed Morsi, who had been elected in the country’s first free vote after the previous president, Hosni Mubarak, was forced out in the 2011 uprising.
Mr. Morsi was the leader of the Muslim Brotherhood, an Islamist group that Mr. Mubarak’s secular government, to which Mr. el-Sisi belonged, had feared and repressed for decades. In 2013, the military reclaimed power amid mounting public anger with Mr. Morsi and set about vilifying and dismantling the Brotherhood.
It brutally suppressed the Rabaa sit-in, killing at least 800 people in one day.
Ousted and detained, Mr. Morsi collapsed in a Cairo courtroom and died in June 2019. He had been denied treatment for diabetes and high blood pressure for six years.
To this day, being labeled an Islamist can lead to firings, asset freezes and travel bans, as well as the worst treatment Egypt’s prisons can mete out, according to ex-detainees and families of prisoners arrested for ties to the Brotherhood — a crime in the eyes of the government, which casts group members as terrorists.
Mr. Abdelnabi’s daughter, Ms. Mahmoud, said her father had never joined the Brotherhood, though he sympathized with some of its goals and had voted for Mr. Morsi.

 

Members of the Muslim Brotherhood were held in a cage during their trial in a Cairo courtroom in 2015.Credit…Khaled Elfiqi/European Pressphoto Agency

 

Her mother, Ms. Hassan, was released. But Mr. Abdelnabi was transferred to Cairo’s notorious Tora Prison, where he was held at Scorpion 2, widely known as Egypt’s harshest prison ward.
The new detainees at Tora received what prisoners call, with gallows humor, the “welcome party.” Several former prisoners and defense lawyers described the routine: Arrivals run blindfolded through a human corridor of guards, who attack them with sticks. They stumble until they fall.
In his new cell, Mr. Abdelnabi told his lawyer, he had no toilet, light or bedding except for a thin blanket he used to sleep on the dirty floor. The guards eventually brought food — cheese and bread that Mr. Abdelnabi said he found inedible. It came only every four days or so.
Neglect and Suffering
As weeks in detention stretched to months, Mr. Abdelnabi paled and thinned. He was incoherent, unable to form a sentence, said his lawyer, Ms. Sallam. When pain from kidney stones made him scream, other prisoners thumped on the walls to get the guards’ attention, Ms. Mahmoud said. But most of a day passed before he was given a painkiller.
Ms. Mahmoud said the family did what they could, bribing guards with nearly $1,300 to give their father a bucket to use as a toilet.
When prosecutors allowed them to bring food, warm clothes and medication on a few occasions, guards rejected them, citing security reasons, said Ms. Sallam, his lawyer.

Mr. Abdelnabi developed scabies, a skin disease that produced a rash so severe that he once appeared for a hearing covered in dried blood from scratching, Ms. Sallam said. Scared of catching it, the prosecutor made him leave the room.

He waited outside while his detention was extended for another 15 days.
After that, the prosecutor finally allowed a topical cream. But when the lawyer handed it to the guards, she said, they refused to accept it.

Image 

Visitors leaving Tora Prison in 2019. Prison guards routinely refused to give inmates food, clothing and medication brought by their families. Credit…Khaled Elfiqi/EPA, via Shutterstock

 

Some Never Leave
For political prisoners, detention can amount to a death sentence.
They rarely get access to medication or to treatment in outside hospitals when needed, Amnesty International found in a report last year. More than 70 percent of Egyptian prisoners who die while in custody do so because of denial of health care, according to the Geneva-based Committee for Justice.
Among them were a young filmmaker jailed over a music video mocking Mr. el-Sisi and a dual Egyptian-American citizen whose diabetes and heart ailment went largely untreated. Both died in 2020.
Torture resulted in nearly 14 percent of prison fatalities, while poor conditions caused nearly 3 percent, the group found.
Salah Sallem, a physician and a former member of the government-appointed National Council for Human Rights, declined to answer questions about specific prisoners without reviewing their medical files.

“Death is a part of life,” he said.
Last Rites
One day in 2020 soon after the end of Ramadan, the Muslim holy fasting month, a guard found Mr. Abdelnabi disoriented and bleeding from his eyes, Ms. Mahmoud said other prisoners later told her. Clots of blood dripped from his mouth. He eventually stopped eating or drinking and told his lawyer he was in severe pain.

When summoned, a prison doctor said he could do nothing, according to his family, who later spoke to detainees from his ward. By Sept. 2, 2020, he could not walk without help and had to be carried to the prison infirmary.

Ms. Mahmoud with her father’s glasses.Credit…Cooper Neill for The New York Times

When he returned, he asked his cellmate to read him the Quran, a last rite. He died minutes later.

Prison authorities refused to release his body to his family, they said, until they signed a death certificate citing “natural causes.”
Shortly before Mr. Abdelnabi’s death, his case had been sent to trial. At the first session, Ms. Mahmoud said, the court did not appear to have been notified that one of the defendants had died.
His name was called. No one answered except for a former cellmate who began to sob.
“Remove his name,” the judge said, and that was that.

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Why Hamas stayed out of the latest Gaza conflict

By Hadas Gold, CNN
Mon August 8, 2022
 

 

Palestinian rockets are fired from Gaza City in retaliation for earlier Israeli airstrikes on Sunday.

Sderot, Israel (CNN)One of the most important aspects of the weekend’s short but violent conflict between Israel and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) was what didn’t happen: Hamas’ involvement.

A ceasefire between Israel and the PIJ over Gaza that went into effect at 11:30 p.m. local time (4:30 p.m. ET) Sunday appeared to be holding almost 24 hours later. The conflict led to the death of at least 44 militants and civilians in Gaza, according to information from the Palestinian Ministry of Health. Fifteen of the dead were children. Israel insists most of those killed were militants, and that several civilians were killed by failed militant rocket launches.
Hamas, the militant group that runs Gaza, expressed support for the PIJ’s actions. But it kept its much larger and more powerful arsenal of rockets out of the equation, while Israel’s military made it clear from the outset they were focusing solely on PIJ targets.
That kept the conflict from spiraling into a larger, more dangerous confrontation, and closer to what happened during the 11-day war in May 2021.

So why not get involved? According to analysts and Israeli officials, one reason is the fact it is still only 15 months since the 2021 conflict that led to considerable damage and death in Gaza. Palestinians there are still rebuilding their homes, and Hamas is rebuilding its arsenal.

The Israeli government also believes its campaign of economic incentives — boosting the number of permits given to Gazans to cross into Israel for work — is succeeding.

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Israel and Egypt have imposed a closure on Gaza since 2007, limiting access to the territory via land, air and sea, including tight restrictions on the movement of residents and the flow of goods.
If rockets are fired, Israel closes the border and the thousands of Gazans with permits can’t work in Israel or get paid.
On Monday, a senior Israeli diplomatic official said Hamas was “an enemy not a partner … but there is cooperation we can do, predominantly through Egypt, to improve the situation in Gaza.”
For showing restraint, Hamas will expect to be rewarded.

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Is This a Turning Point in Israel-Hamas Relations? | Opinion

YONATAN TOUVAL , SENIOR FOREIGN POLICY ANALYST WITH MITVIM, THE ISRAELI INSTITUTE FOR REGIONAL FOREIGN POLICIES
ON 8/8/22 AT 12:29 PM EDT

With yet another ceasefire in place following a violent round of clashes between Israel and Gaza-based militants, the recent flare-up of violence may mark a hopeful turning point—one that could potentially usher in a new and more constructive dynamic for both Palestinians and Israelis.
The reason lies in the unprecedented fact that, over the course of the 55-hour-long military clashes between Israel and the militant Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), Hamas restrained itself from joining the fighting. In fact, not only did Hamas do everything it felt it could to avoid being dragged into this mini-war, it also exerted considerable pressure on PIJ to agree to the Egyptian-mediated ceasefire that ended it.
This non-belligerent approach by Hamas was a first. For the historic record, although Hamas refrained from actively joining a similar round between Israel and PIJ in November 2019—Israeli code-named Operation Black Belt—it launched a few rockets after a ceasefire had entered into force in a symbolic show of solidarity.

To be sure, while Hamas, which views PIJ as an ideological rival, had multiple reasons not to join the fighting, Israel proved astute and careful in denying Hamas any compelling reasons to do so. It carefully side-stepped Hamas-related targets, kept to a minimum the number of civilian casualties, and avoided targeting civilian infrastructure, etc.).

A Palestinian boy holds a gun in front of women from the Islamic Jihad Movement as they flash their weapons during a demonstration marking the first anniversary of the so-called wave of Palestinian knife attacks in Gaza city, on October 2, 2016.MAHMUD HAMS/AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES
In so doing, it suspended its usual policy, stubbornly held by former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, that holds Hamas responsible for any violence coming out of the Gaza Strip, giving Hamas the opportunity to decide for itself if and how to respond to the fighting between PIJ and Israel.

Israel’s policy change and Hamas’s response have created a new reality—one that reflects political maturity on both sides and, however unlikely this may sound, also a new level of mutual trust.
This new reality presents an opportunity for advancing far-reaching arrangements between the two sides, first and foremost those involving the reconstruction of Gaza (as per the Egyptian initiative of 2021) and prisoner exchange. The responsibility that both Israel and Hamas demonstrated during this last round may encourage regional and international countries, including Qatar and other Gulf governments, to make good on their past pledges for this purpose. And the current Israeli prime minister, Yair Lapid, has himself championed the need for Israeli cooperation in Gaza reconstruction efforts less than a year ago.

At the same time, a prisoner swap, which the Israeli leadership have increasingly stressed is a precondition for enabling reconstruction projects, will remove a major political and psychological stumbling block to moving forward.

READ MORE

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That said, even as Israel develops a more constructive modus vivendi with Hamas in the Gaza Strip, the real battleground remains the West Bank, where both the PIJ and Hamas are increasing their efforts to strengthen their presence, especially ahead of a possible leadership challenge within the Palestinian Authority the day after the longtime presidency of Mahmoud Abbas ends.
From the Israeli standpoint, the West Bank should remain in focus not only for the security challenges it poses but for the centerpiece of an eventual agreement on a two-state solution. To this end, Israel should seek to leverage its non-violent dynamic with Hamas to advance the message that non-violence pays off and to demonstrate that point by adopting a proactive and sustained policy aimed at improving material and political conditions in the West Bank. In the context of the Abraham Accords, moreover, such actions may yield additional benefits from regional parties that have been hesitant until now to normalize relations with Israel.
Last but not least, although the caretaker government under Lapid has neither the political will nor the public mandate to renew peace negotiations with the Palestinian leadership, it should signal its aspirations of reaching an eventual peace agreement by empowering the pragmatic and Fatah-led forces in the Palestinian Authority. And it should encourage rather than undermine the U.S. and other regional and international stakeholders in doing the same.

Yonatan Touval is a senior foreign policy analyst with Mitvim, The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies.

The views expressed in this article are the writer’s own.

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Religiously motivated attack on Azerbaijani embassy in London triggers solidarity with Baku

 8 August 2022 16:05 (UTC+04:00) –  AZERNEWS.AZ

 
By Fuad Muxtar-Aqbabali
The treacherous and dishonorable attack on the Azerbaijani embassy in London, and the disrespect for the national flag have caused outrage both inside the country and among Azerbaijan’s friends abroad, who have shown solidarity with the people of Azerbaijan.
“On August 4, 2022, the embassy of the Republic of Azerbaijan in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland was attacked by a group of radical religious groups,” the Foreign Ministry said.
Storming the embassy building, a group of vandals raised religious flags and chanted radical religious slogans on the balcony of the building. The Metropolitan police of London intervened hours later and the group members were taken out of the building and detained.
“In accordance with the Vienna Convention, through diplomatic channels, the UK authorities were warned about the security of diplomats and diplomatic premises,” the Foreign Ministry said in the statement.
The heinous attack against the Azerbaijani embassy in London has triggered tough reactions both inside the country and abroad. Social media users reacted harshly to the incident and came up with various scenarios as to who might be behind the move.
“I was appalled by yesterday’s attack on the embassy of Azerbaijan in London,” Head of the European Union (EU) Delegation to Azerbaijan Peter Michalko tweeted.
“Violence against diplomatic missions and their personnel is unacceptable. I am relieved that the embassy staff and their families are safe,” he added.
Along with Turkey, one of the leading Central Asian nations of Uzbekistan, with which Azerbaijan has recently bolstered all-out relations, strongly condemned the attack on the Azerbaijani embassy.
“The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Uzbekistan strongly condemns the provocative attack on the embassy of the Republic of Azerbaijan in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland on August 4, 2022,” the ministry said in a statement.
“We consider absolutely unacceptable any actions that pose a threat to the life and health of members of diplomatic missions.
“We call for a comprehensive investigation into this incident and bringing all those involved to justice,” the statement said, adding that “Uzbekistan is expressing its support for brotherly Azerbaijan in ensuring the security and protection of its citizens abroad”.
In a similar vein, the Kazakh Foreign Ministry also denounced the attack against the Azerbaijani embassy in London.
“In connection with the attack of extremists on the embassy of the Republic of Azerbaijan in London on August 4 this year, we consider unacceptable any manifestation of violence against diplomatic missions and their personnel. Such acts of violation of the foundations and norms of international law are subject to universal condemnation and require a thorough investigation in order to bring their organizers to justice. We are confident in the resilience of the Azerbaijani people and express our readiness to provide all possible support in difficult situations for the fraternal state,” the ministry said.
Georgian Foreign Minister Ilia Darchiashvili also voiced solidarity and support for Azerbaijan. This came out after Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov tweeted to thank Georgia for siding with Azerbaijan over the attack on the embassy.
“Thankful to (my) colleague from Georgia Ilia Darchiashvili for expressing solidarity and support over a phone conversation on the unprecedented attack by radicals on the embassy of Azerbaijan in London,” Bayramov tweeted.
The Georgian Foreign Ministry condemned the provocation against the Azerbaijani embassy in London on August 4 and Georgian Foreign Minister Ilia Darchiashvili called his Azerbaijani colleague Jeyhun Bayramov and expressed his full support over the incident, the report said.
The Spiritual Board of Azerbaijan, the religious body, did not remain indifferent to the attack on the embassy and denounced the UK-based radical group for the storming of the embassy.
“Azerbaijan strongly condemns the act of aggression committed against the building of the embassy in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland with a sense of concern and considers it a premeditated, politically motivated act of terrorism and vandalism. This event is an act of provocation against the Republic of Azerbaijan and international law in general. The fact that the radical group The Mahdi Servants Union, which clearly abuses religion, targets the sovereignty and attribute of independent Azerbaijan – the national flag, and that the action is accompanied by religious slogans and sectarian demands can be evaluated as abuse of religion and a call to hatred,” the Spiritual Board said.
Another similar move of condemnation came from the Organization of Turkic States (OTS).
“We condemn the violent and unacceptable attack against the Organization of Turkic States’ founding member Azerbaijan’s embassy in London by radical religious groups. We call for a thorough investigation of this act of vandalism,” reads the tweet.
Yesterday’s unprovoked attack on the Azerbaijani embassy in the UK by radicals is unacceptable, said an informal cross-party group of MPs and Peers to encourage links between the UK parliament and Azerbaijan (APPG).
“The APPG condemns the attack and is glad that staff at the embassy were unharmed despite the very real threat to their safety. Our thanks also to the police who dealt with the situation,” APPG said in a tweet.
In the meantime, Azerbaijan summoned British chargé d’affaires to express “firm objection and demand firm guarantees”, the ministry said.
“It was brought to the attention of the other party that this provocation seriously exposed the issue of ensuring the security of the diplomatic mission and that the host country should take security measures in accordance with its international legal obligations. A guarantee was requested from the other side that such situations would not be repeated.
In its turn, the British embassy in Azerbaijan reacted to the incident.
“The UK condemns the actions of those protestors that entered the embassy of Azerbaijan in London and a full investigation is ongoing. The police safely evacuated the embassy staff inside the building and then removed the protesters. Eight individuals have been arrested. The UK takes seriously its commitment to guarantee the protection of diplomatic missions in the UK and police are engaging with the embassy of Azerbaijan to ensure appropriate security measures are in place,” the statement read.

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Zangezur corridor: New transport route to connect Europe and Asia

BY ANASTASIA LAVRINA
AUG 09, 2022 – 12:05 AM GMT+3 – The Daily Sabah – dailysabah.com

A view of the newly rebuilt village of Agali in the district of Zangilan, Azerbaijan, July 19, 2022. (AFP Photo)

The unblocking of transport corridors will both open up a lot of considerable financial opportunities and contribute to long-term peace in the South Caucasus region

The settlement of the Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan as a result of the 44-day Second Karabakh War completely changed the geopolitical situation in the region, opening up a number of new opportunities. The unblocking of transport corridors has become the No. 1 topic for discussion. Among the most urgent projects, we can confidently note the opening of the Zangezur corridor, which will connect both Azerbaijan and the Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic through Armenia, Russia and Turkey, paving the way from Asia to Europe and the Middle East.
The project will not only open up a lot of economic opportunities but also contribute to the formation of long-term peace in the region of the South Caucasus.
Importance of Zangezur corridor
Why is the Zangezur corridor so important at the global level?
The Zangezur corridor will become the shortest land transport route between the Pacific and Atlantic oceans, as well as the intersection point of the North-South and East-West routes. It will significantly expand the operation of land transport routes connecting Europe and Asia.
The resumption of work of both railways and roads through the Zangezur corridor was discussed by the leaders of Azerbaijan and Armenia at the meetings held in Brussels. The European Union strongly supports the opening of the transport routes in the region. Just recently, U.S. Secretary of State Antony J. Blinke spoke over the phone with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and reiterated the United States’ offer of assistance in helping facilitate the opening of regional transportation and communication linkages.
 
Since the end of the Karabakh conflict, Turkey has been supporting the opening of the Zangezur corridor and dialogue efforts to fix broken relations between Azerbaijan and Armenia. On July 21, İstanbul hosted the second trilateral meeting of the chairpersons of the Parliaments of Azerbaijan, Pakistan and Turkey. Speaking at the event, Parliament Speaker Mustafa Şentop highlighted the restoration of justice in the Karabakh region of Azerbaijan and said that the Zangezur corridor will increase economic well-being in the region.
The opening of the Zangezur corridor will give Turkey a gateway to the Caspian basin and one of the faster routes to Central Asia and China as it offers huge economic and energy potential. Central Asian states are now looking for an additional route to access Europe due to the current situation around Ukraine. Operating the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railway project and the launch of the Zangezur corridor suggests that a general agreement on multimodal transportation between all countries through the Caspian Sea will be reached in the near future. This means that the cargo flow in these directions will increase, which will also lead to an increase in the volume of exported products.
The launch of the Zangezur corridor will also ensure the development of the Middle Corridor, which will have a positive economic impact on the entire region, from the Black Sea through the Caucasus and Central Asia to India, China and other countries of East and South Asia.
Armenia-Turkey relations
Why does the normalization of relations between Armenia and Turkey play an important role in this process?
Armenia and Turkey have agreed to move forward with efforts to normalize relations with the end of the Second Karabakh War. Since the beginning of this year, the special representatives of Turkey and Armenia on the normalization of bilateral relations have held four meetings in Moscow and Vienna. The last meeting on July 1 resulted in an agreement on the possibility of crossing the Armenian-Turkish land border for citizens of third countries and carrying out direct air cargo transportation between Armenia and Turkey. In a wide-ranging interview, Foreign Minister Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu made the normalization of Turkish-Armenian relations conditional on Armenia negotiating a peace accord with Azerbaijan and opening a land corridor to the Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic.
Until now Armenia has been trying to drag out the opening of the corridor under various pretexts although the unblocking and restoration of communication is important for the country itself, which has been under an economic blockade for about three decades. However, given the increased interest of global powers in the launch of the corridor, the situation may change at any time.
This is the reality and it is time to make the right decision.

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Restoring democratic momentum in Tunisia

By Punch Editorial Board

www.punching.com

9th August 2022

DEMOCRACY is under threat in Tunisia, the birthplace of the 2011 Arab Spring. The incremental power grab by President Kais Saied has reversed major democratic gains the Arab nation recorded after the momentous protests. With a dodgy referendum that gave him new sweeping constitutional powers last month, the last surviving spark of democracy in the Arab world appears to have dimmed.
It is a setback for democracy. It dismays liberals around the world, who had hoped that this country of 11.8 million would beam a democratic light in a region dominated by autocracy. In its Democracy Index 2020, The Economist ranked Israel and Tunisia as the only democratic countries in the Middle-East.
The slide back into autocracy in the North African country is therefore troubling. It was there in 2011 that years of economic hardship and political repression boiled over into pro-democracy protests that spread through the Arab world. Tunisia emerged from the struggle as a democracy, the stirrings in Bahrain, Oman, Morocco, Jordan, Algeria and Iraq were met with either outright repression or cosmetic institutional changes. In Syria, the hunger for democracy was violently quashed. No fewer than 306,887 civilians were killed and millions displaced between March 2011 and March 2021, reported the UN Human Rights Office.
Today, protesters in Lebanon, Sudan, Iraq and Palestine hold on to democratic aspirations. In Libya, it led to rebellion against strongman, Muammar Gaddafi, his ouster and death. Libya has since descended into civil war among rival factions and Islamist terrorists. In Egypt, strongman Hosni Mubarak was overthrown; the Islamists that won the first democratic elections immediately reverted to repression and have since been replaced by another autocratic regime.
Tunisian masses that toppled long-time despot, Ben Ali, in 2011 are today confronted with an undisguised autocrat. In September, Saied established a system under which he would essentially govern Tunisia by decrees, bypassing the 2014 Constitution that was adopted after years of painstaking negotiations. Saied invoked Article 80 of the constitution ostensibly to prevent imminent “danger threatening the integrity of the country.”
He froze parliamentary activities for 30 days, suspended parliamentary immunity for all lawmakers and dismissed Prime Minister Hichem Mechichi so he could pick a PM of his choice. These moves effectively rubbished the sacrifices and progress of the last decade. He topped it up with a referendum in July with only 30.5 per cent turnout and 94.6 per cent approval of a new constitution that grants sweeping presidential powers and erodes parliamentary oversight.
In the decade since its democratic revolution, nine successive governments have failed to fix Tunisia’s serious economic problems. Ominous signs that the democratic experiment in Tunisia is facing headwinds emerged in a September 2020 poll by the International Republican Institute, in which 87 per cent of Tunisians said their country was “headed in the wrong direction.”

Since 2011, the Tunisian dinar’s value has halved. Unemployment currently hovers around 18 per cent nationally and as high as 32 per cent in some parts, and corruption is endemic. Public debt has more than doubled from 39 per cent of GDP in 2010, and with the government forced to shell out large sums to service its debt, there is some concern that Tunisia could go the way of Lebanon and default.
Unsurprisingly, Arab Barometer’s 2019 country report on Tunisia found that confidence in democratic institutions had “fallen dramatically” and Tunisians were “far less likely to trust the government or parliament than at the time of the revolution.” Tellingly, 51 per cent of the Tunisians surveyed said democracy is “indecisive;” 42 per cent said it “leads to instability” and 39 per cent blamed it for “weak economic outcomes.”
Tunisia was first ranked ‘free’ in Freedom in the World 2015, but democratic progress has stalled. Though municipal elections were held in May 2018 after a two-year delay, the government has failed to revise the country’s laws to conform to the constitution.
After adopting a constitution in 2014 that was hailed by the Norwegian Nobel Committee as “the most egalitarian and democratic” in the Arab world, the government started rolling back freedoms in response to terrorist attacks the very next year. It imposed a state of emergency that has yet to be lifted and passed an anti-terrorism law that gave sweeping authority to security forces.
Impunity for abuses and arbitrary restrictions by security forces, the government’s partial rollback of fundamental freedoms, incomplete judicial reforms, and a weak legislative branch are considered the most pressing challenges to Tunisia’s democracy.
International partners, the United Nations, the United States, the European Union, and the World Bank should focus their assistance strategy on achieving key democratic benchmarks. The US should restart public diplomacy, pressing for the establishment of a constitutional court, the cancellation of the state of emergency, and revisions of the penal code and other repressive laws.
Although freedom of expression was enshrined in Decree 115 of 2011 and the 2014 Constitution, the government continues to use older press, penal, and military codes to target outspoken critics and journalists. Between 2014 and 2017, the government reportedly suspended 157 associations, dissolved 198, and referred another 947 to court.

As the largest donors supporting Tunisia’s democratic development, the US, EU, and the World Bank should engage with the government. US democracy funding for Tunisia increased by over 4,000 per cent from $500,000 in 2015 to $20.89 million in 2016 and $40.99 million in 2017. The EU’s, from zero in 2015, accounted for 18 per cent of the bloc’s total €356 million aid package to the country, dubbed a ‘Marshall Plan’ to support democratic consolidation.
The World Bank has allocated $430 million to support Tunisia’s decentralisation, which had helped improve the capacity of governance institutions at the local level.
US and EU policymakers should ensure that their efforts directly address the country’s most critical democratic obstacles, including promotion of an independent judiciary and functioning legal system, protection of civil society organisations, and strengthening parliamentary and civic engagement on policy and governance.
The international community should rally round to save Tunisia’s democracy and push back the dark tyranny threatening to eclipse its people’s hard-won freedom.

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Don’t expect Tunisia to join the Abraham Accords with Israel

 

Emily Milliken

Giorgio Cafiero

08 August, 2022

Analysis: Despite rumours and grave economic problems, support for Palestine runs deep in Tunisian society, with Kais Saied seeing any benefits to normalisation vastly outweighed by the costs.

Since Morocco joined the Abraham Accords in December 2020, there has been constant speculation about which Arab government might be next.
Various US officials and Israeli media outlets have implied or predicted that Tunisia could be that country.
But although the prospect isn’t impossible, there is ample reason to seriously doubt that Tunis would join the normalisation camp.
President Kais Saied now basically runs a one-man show in Tunisia. Therefore, his views on Israel-Palestine must be understood. Tunisia entering the Abraham Accords would require Saied to abandon an important political conviction that for years has been key to his image.
When participating in a presidential debate on 12 October 2019, Saied strongly denounced normalisation with Israel and even condemned the use of the word normalisation. He declared that the “normal condition is that we are in a state of war with an occupying entity”. Saied accused Tunisians who favour opening diplomatic relations with Israel of “treason”.

“Although the prospect isn’t impossible, there is ample reason to seriously doubt that Tunis would join the normalisation camp”

Saied’s passionate condemnation of normalisation in that 2019 debate was “very memorable for many Tunisians,” said Monica Marks, an assistant professor of Middle East politics at New York University, Abu Dhabi, in an interview with The New Arab.
But that wasn’t just campaign speak. In Saied’s 2019 victory speech he vowed to “support the just causes, including that of Palestine”.
As Marks put it, “He’s built not an insignificant part of his political identity in Tunisia on a throwback to old school Arab nationalism that is grounded in, among other things, opposition to having dealings with Israel”.
Saied’s firm opposition to normalisation has been important to his base of supporters during the 2019 election, his 2021 coup, and the present period.
“He has strong support still in certain corners of the Arab nationalist part of Tunisia’s ideological landscape which identifies itself very strongly with opposition to Israel. That’s a core feature, if not the core feature, of Arab nationalist political identity in Tunisia,” added Marks.

Saied is far from being the only Tunisian who has denounced any talk about the Tunisian state having dealings with Israel. Throughout Tunisia’s society there has long been passionate support for the Palestinians, underscored by public demonstrations in favour of Palestinian rights and the anti-normalisation bill brought up in the parliament.
“I don’t think there will be a normalisation between Tunisia and Israel,” Youssef Cherif, the director of the Colombia Global Centers in Tunis, told TNA.
“This move would be highly unpopular in Tunisia, and there are enough freedoms in the country, even after Saied’s power grab, to allow people to make their disagreements public if that’s to happen or to be debated.”
As Marks explained, the culture in Tunisia is “very oppositional” regarding anything resembling normalisation with Israel. “Its opposition to having any dealings with the Israeli state is actually a key feature of Tunisia’s regional geopolitics.”
Many Tunisians’ firm opposition to Israel is about much more than just the Palestinian cause.

A young protester lifts a placard that reads in Arabic, ‘you have to criminalize normalization with Israel if you are honest’, during a demonstration held in front of Tunisia’s parliament on 18 May 2021. [Getty]

Israel bombed the Palestinian Liberation Organisation’s headquarters in Tunis in October 1985, which resulted in roughly 60 deaths and 100 injuries. That attack fuelled grievances which continue to inform many Tunisians’ perceptions of Israel as a threat not only to their fellow Arabs in Palestine, but also to their own country.
“Whenever a video gets leaked of tourists [in Tunisia] speaking Hebrew to each other on a tour bus and goes viral on Tunisian social media it provokes a lot of pushback,” Marks pointed out. “Having any kind of dealings between the Tunisian state and Israel is very much a political livewire in Tunisia.”
If Tunisia were to enter the Abraham Accords, it would be fundamentally different from Morocco doing so. The unofficial Israeli-Moroccan relationship that existed for many years before Rabat normalised with Tel Aviv in late 2020 resulted in a much less drastic change for Morocco than what could be expected in Tunisia if the country goes that route.

“Its opposition to having any dealings with the Israeli state is actually a key feature of Tunisia’s regional geopolitics”

“Roughly a fifth of the Israeli adult population is of Moroccan origin,” William Lawrence, a professor of political science at the American University in Washington, pointed out in a TNA interview.
“Prior to the pandemic about 70,000 Israeli tourists were visiting Morocco every year, partially as a part of heritage tourism, visiting refurbished synagogues and the Arab world’s only Jewish heritage museum. Morocco’s new security relationship with Israel is deeply rooted in historical, cultural, and economic ties with its own diaspora,” added Lawrence.
However, Tunisia’s landscape is different. “In Tunisia, you’d need a lot of time to prime things up and change the culture,” Jalel Harchaoui, a researcher specialising in Libya, told TNA. “Having your army and security forces accept being close friends with Israel, that’s going to take time.”

Regional dynamics
There are also regional factors to consider. Egypt and Morocco would welcome Tunisia entering the Abraham Accords. But it would fuel serious problems in Algerian-Tunisian relations.
To Algeria, Moroccan-Israeli relations as well as the Arab region’s trend toward normalisation are threatening.
Mindful of Israel’s support for Moroccan foreign policy vis-à-vis Western Sahara, Tel Aviv’s posturing against Algeria, and Moroccan-Israeli military cooperation, Algeria fears the implications of a stronger Moroccan-Israeli partnership. If Algeria becomes surrounded by states that have normalised with Israel, the Algerians will feel increasingly insecure.
In response to rumours about Tunisia joining the Abraham Accords, Algerian officials have expressed fear.
One Algerian official anonymously told Al-Araby Al-Jadeed, The New Arab’s Arabic-language sister publication, that Algeria is deeply concerned about Tunisia joining the Abraham Accords and the “possibility that there is a regional vision for ways to drag Tunisia towards normalisation, which involves destroying the political situation and exploiting Tunisia’s needs, and that the pro-normalisation axis is working quietly [to this end] and is happy to play the long game”.

The late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat walks amid the rubble of the PLO headquarters in Tunis on 2 October 1985 after six Israeli planes bombed and totally destroyed the PLO complex. [Getty]

Lawrence explained that “Algeria’s significant assistance to Tunisia is usually seen through the lens of helping keep Tunisia out of the Gulf or Egyptian sphere of influence, or even the Russian one. But another angle of analysis can be to see it as keeping Tunisia at some degree of distance from the burgeoning Israeli-Emirati-America sphere, and at the expense of further marginalising Palestinians”.
If Tunisia enters the normalisation camp, “Algeria is going to be unhappy and Algeria provides a lot to Tunisia,” said Harchaoui.
“It’s not publicised but it has resumed providing tourists since 5 July when the announcement of the reopening of the border was made and it provides natural gas. It provides a number of security guarantees. So, Algeria being unhappy will have tangible effects on Tunisia. They’re not of the pleasant kind.”

A reason to join?
Why should Tunisia joining the Abraham Accords be considered a possibility? The simple answer is desperation.
Tunisia faces several grave economic problems and needs support from foreign governments and institutions. “It’s a country where very soon you’re not going to be able to buy fuel, where civil servants are not going to receive their salaries anymore, where you’re not going to be able to buy insulin for diabetics,” Harchaoui said.
“All kinds of basic stuff are going to cease to be available because of this tragic situation that’ll translate most likely into a debt default, and still Western nations don’t seem to care”.
Whether entering the Abraham Accords could elicit a loan from the US, Gulf states like the UAE, or somewhere else is unclear. “What the world has been saying is that it doesn’t care about Tunisia. So…offering to join the Abraham Accords is something that Kais Saied might try,” explained Harchaoui.

“Ultimately, serious concerns about Tunisia’s economic future could prompt Saied to abandon his stance against Israel”

When asked if she thinks that Tunisia will normalise with Israel, Marks responded, “I’d be surprised if it happens as long as Kais Saied is at the helm”. But she maintained that it is not impossible, mindful of incentives that some Arab states could give him for bringing Tunisia into the Abraham Accords.
“Saied does find himself in close conversation with Sisi and in some ideological company with Gulf actors who see him as a potential vehicle for their interests,” according to Marks.
“I don’t think they’re convinced yet, but they see him as a potential vehicle. He has been willing to wheel and deal with states that see him as an important bulwark of stability. He has interests like any other leader.”
Ultimately, serious concerns about Tunisia’s economic future could prompt Saied to abandon his stance against Israel. There is no denying that the US, Israel, the UAE, and Morocco would strongly favour Tunisia joining the Abraham Accords. These governments may try to push Saied in that direction. However, the fallout could fuel problems for the leadership in Tunis, not only internally but also with its much larger neighbour Algeria.
Already certain political parties and civil society organisations in Tunisia have demanded that Saied reject the credentials of Joey Hood, the US’s ambassadorial nominee to Tunisia.

Nour Odeh

Their reasons have included Hood’s support for expanding the Abraham Accords to include Tunisia and his pledge to “use all tools of US influence to advocate for a return to democratic governance and mitigate Tunisians’ suffering from Putin’s devastating war, economic mismanagement and political upheaval”.
Tunisia’s former foreign minister, Ahmed Wanis, implied that Hood had “failed” as Washington’s ambassador to Tunisia before even beginning the post due to his efforts to bring Tunisia into a normalisation accord with Israel.
As Wanis put it, “they want to drag Tunisia to join those countries on the basis of a deal that involves granting Tunisia financial aid in exchange for recognition of Israel”.
Probably, at least for now, Tunisia’s government perceives the potential benefits of making such a controversial move as not outweighing the costs, which take the form of serious political risks.
Thus, Tunisian officials are likely sincere when denying the validity of claims that Tunis is on the verge of going down the normalisation road.

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